576. How Xi is Outplaying Trump and Tensions in Northern Ireland
2026-09-30 23:00:00 • 1:05:59
For 40 years, America's answer to China was engaged with it, trade with it, invest in it,
liberalize it, bring it into the international system.
And then almost overnight, Washington seemed to reach a new consensus.
Suddenly, 10 years ago, China was presented as the enemy in a new Cold War.
And now, Xi Jinping has come to Washington to meet Trump, red carpets, a state dinner,
an extension of the trade truce.
A major arms package for Taiwan has been put on hold, and Trump didn't seem especially
interested in containing or confronting China.
He seemed interesting getting along with Xi, so what's going on?
Is Trump an outlier in an America which has still committed to confrontation?
Or is America policy lurching back towards compromise?
Because America no longer wants to be the global policeman of the order it once built?
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Welcome to the REST's politics question time with me Roy Stewart.
And me, Alice Campbell.
So amazing range of lessons questions today,
touching on some incredibly serious issues.
We begin with questions around US and China, that great G2 confrontation after Trump's meeting with Xi.
We're then going to talk about some of the very troubling news that's come out of Northern Ireland
with the parades.
We're talking about Ethiopia, which has broken into war again.
We're talking about the Brazil elections, that huge country,
where Bolsonaro's son seems to be on the running.
And then we'll finish with a bit of lighter stuff around the Bayer tapestry and
Alistair's hero, one of his many heroes, Yorgon Klopp and his positive vision for German
patriotism.
Holly, what do we actually learn from the Chinese President's visit to Washington?
What was going on beneath the surface?
And who do you think came out on top?
My votes on Xi.
Well, I think, firstly, not a great deal happened at the summit.
So people who thought was going to be a great breakthrough on AI safety would have been
disappointed.
But I think the summit is really important for what it represents about US
China policy, given these are the two most powerful wealthiest economies in the entire world.
And what it shows us is that Trump may be the outlier now in US China policy.
So basically, as everybody, I think we'll have picked up, the US was very, very pro engagement with
China from the moment of the Nixon goes to China 1970s, right the way through the 80s, 90s,
2000s China joins World Trade Organization, right the way through to the middle of Obama.
The idea was that engagement, basically the bet was, would make China more liberal and a better
player in the international order. And then at the end of Obama, beginning of first Trump,
there was a really dramatic change where almost all the China analysts in the US switched
from being pro engagement to suddenly portraying China as the enemy in a new Cold War and the great
consensus emerged, Democrats Republicans, that China was the enemy and needed to be kept down.
And then what we've seen in this summit is something really startling. Who knew?
You know, the very Donald Trump who presided over a government that was one of the most
hawkish on China that massively cut all connections with China in the first term.
Now seems the second term to be much more friendly towards China than any of the major
figures denied the Republican or the Democratic Party over to you.
Yeah, and there are lots of reasons for that. One of them, let's start by suggesting that actually
he comes at this with a more strategic and intelligent mindset than we often give him credit for.
That he understands that China is in a very, very dominant position in relation to rare earths.
That the US military and the US administration are going to need an awful lot of them,
not least because he's going to need them for the Iran war which shows very little sign of
slowing down. But I also think there is another point which he does genuinely seem to have a lot
of time for dictators. We're talking at a time when he seems to think his priorities are to
launch yet another attack on Canada, which he'd done recently, and also to comment on the bail
conditions that are put upon suspects in counterterrorism cases in the UK. At a time when Vladimir
Putin has just wiped a load of bombs on a medical facility bang in the middle of Kiev.
So I think that there was one issue, that the whole trip, I think I agree with you, there wasn't much
of substance that came out of it, but the pageantry and the kind of the gift to Xi of something that he
could sell very, very powerfully back home. I think I'm right in saying that this is the first time ever
that an American president has been to visit, has been to welcome the visiting head of government
or state off the plane since JFK did that for Harold Millen. At a time when Britain was the great
was the great power. So that's in basically saying that China is the great power. And you know we
said last week that of the two big events on the foreign policy agenda going on last week,
hunger in the United Nations General Assembly was deemed to be less significant than this meeting.
And yet very little came out of this meeting and essentially you were used to a truce. I think
there is a bit of a truce in relation to trade. Now is that about getting through the midterms?
Is that about just him worrying that he's got to get these rare earth deals sorted out before
then? And then I think my final point for about the ureary is just what was said or was not
said about Taiwan because there were very different redouts. The Chinese redout of the meeting
gave the impression that Trump was inching towards their side on relation to Taiwan. The American
redout said absolutely nothing about Taiwan. Well the Taiwan thing I think is maybe the moment
where everything gets most revealed. The American support for Taiwan is a sort of historical accident
in some ways. As Trump himself has pointed out to the fury of many, Taiwan is many many thousands
of miles from the United States and it's only 70 miles from China. And the diplomatic compromise
has circled around language about Taiwan being part of China. Of course to remind people,
it was simply a contiguous island with China for most of its history and it ended up under a
separate government because the nationalist government fled there when the communists took over
China. The US ended up being anchored around there partly because of its presence during the
Korean War and the US increasingly saw itself as a Pacific power. And the Chinese may not have
liked it but their economy was so tiny compared to the American economy through the 50s, 60s and 70s.
I mean as I keep saying that everyone's incredibly bored. The Chinese economy was still smaller than
the Italian economy in 2004. Nobody's bored Roy. Nobody's bored. Nobody's bored with that. Nobody's
bored with that. It's in that is really interesting. Nobody's bored. Don't do down your facts.
Don't do down my facts. So the Chinese had to put up with the fact that the US was effectively behaving
around the coast of China as though this was American home waters despite being, you know, what is
it? Almost 9,000 miles away. And a lot of the things that the Americans would have thought was
completely unacceptable in Cuba. You know what the Americans were always complaining that the
Russians and Chinese can put spy stuff in Cuba to spy on the Americans? Of course the Chinese feel
with Taiwan. Right? Here's the sort of forward American intelligence base right off the coast of China.
So there was a natural sense that if you put that together with the fact that Xi Jinping,
like most Chinese nationalists, see this as an inherent part of China and something should be
coming back to China, that they would begin to challenge what the US was doing there and say
to the US, how much national interest have you really got there? And the answer from the US
used to be, or at least since Taiwan became a democracy, we're standing up for this democratic
government. We're standing up for the rules-based international order. And that's why we're going to
spend a lot of money defending Taiwan. But the question, of course, that Trump races is given that he
doesn't seem in Ukraine to care very much about standing up for democracies in the rule-based
international order. Why would he continue indefinitely doing that in Taiwan? And will Trump,
inevitably, as he moves away from the idea that America is the global policeman standing up
for global democracy, conclude that actually Taiwan could be part of China, if it weren't for
the fact that it had 90% of the world's advanced semiconductors chips. They've got 90% of the world's
advanced semiconductors. China's got a chokehold on rare earth, so he's probably worrying about
that much more than he is about the democratic or otherwise future of Taiwan. There was even a report
flying around that he'd asked she in these meetings whether China would like to buy weapons
from the United States. Now, I don't know whether he's aware of that. That is against the law
in America. Now, I know he doesn't care too much about the rule law, but that was, if that is true,
that is kind of mind-blowing. And again, suggest that he feels to himself to be in a very weak
position of ease of each other. We would have said two years ago, the one consensus right across
Democrats and Republicans is that China is the great competitor, strategic adversary, or to be
less polite, and an enemy and a new Cold War. And I've been very interested in this because I know
a lot of these people. So, for example, Matt Potenture and Mike Gallagher, who I know quite well,
key figures, Matt Potenture, particularly in Trump's first administration, framing a very, very
much more confrontational policy towards China. And Mike Gallagher was a congressman who ran
the Congressional Committee on the Chinese Communist Party. And they were writing articles that
were celebrated throughout the American foreign policy community, which were much more sort of
almost rude and brutal in the way they spoke about the Chinese government. And it came pretty close,
although they backed off of this in the end to suggesting that what they were going to try to do
is hold down China till there was regime change, till the whole thing collapsed. And even the more
polite academics, people like the American Ambassador Nick Burns in Beijing, were saying, you know,
in the long run, there's a question of who rules the world, and we would rather have a world ruled
by America than ruled by China. In that context, Trump going into this kind of new relationship,
if indeed it is a new relationship, is really interesting. And I suppose my question to you is,
do you think that this means that possibly in two years' time, US-China policy might move back
towards engagement, and that this moment of confrontation was something started by Trump and
ended by Trump, or is Trump an anomaly, and that when he goes, the US will get back into a much
more confrontational attitude towards China. I mean, it's very, very hard to read that because so
much of that would depend on who follows Trump. But I do think there is an emerging new attitude to
China that most of the American political establishment doesn't like, but where Trump seems very,
very comfortable. And I think that's what came out, and then we talked about the going to the
airport, the sort of the pomp and the pageantry, which Xi Jinping loves to show off. He was treated
as the only really comparable head of state or government. There was literally none of the talking
down to leaders, which Trump normally does. He does something we talked down to them if anything
he was showing respect. I also thought it was, we're very, very rarely Xi Xi Jinping laughs or smile,
other than that sort of, you know, the Winnie the Pooh smile that if you go on the internet in
China and Google Winnie the Pooh, everything has been erased because you're not allowed to say
that it looks like Winnie the Pooh. But he did actually smile. And almost, I'd say, chuckle,
when when Trump was showing him the array of photographs of previous presidents where, of course,
he's put Joe Biden as the auto pen. Now, I think Xi Jinping was laughing or finding that amusing,
not because of an insult to Joe Biden, although he didn't necessarily like Joe Biden very much. But
I think that was to him a moment of this guy is really not all there. This guy is actually quite
easy to deal with. I just have to flash him a bit, like smile to him a bit. It's very hard to,
if you even if you read the White House read out of this, this meeting, it's very, very hard. They
can point to a bit of coal export, they can point to a couple of deals. But there's very little in
this that you could say merits. The idea that this would be projected as the most important foreign
policy meeting of the year, although they've got two more coming up quite soon, of course. He is
going to go to China and Xi is also coming back to the States for a bigger multilateral meeting.
As Tony Blair would say, we don't want in all of this to under emphasize why the U.S. foreign policy
establishment is so suspicious of China. Because in some ways, China is a much wealthier, more successful
version of Putin's Russia, like Putin's Russia. It's pretty paranoid about the West. It believes
it's being encircled. It's very worried about color revolutions. It's got no desire to liberalize.
It doesn't really want to be a constructive player in the rules based international order.
It's got wounded pride. It sees itself as having a right to great power status. And of course,
it does engage in industrial espionage. It's got some pretty phenomenal capacity. It engages in
economic extortion of its allies. The problem is that that story was easier to sell during Biden,
because the U.S. was better at presenting itself then. As the great example of democracy,
I mean, Nick Burns' whole story, you'd rather be ruled by a world ruled by America than China.
It doesn't feel the same after two years of Trump. Because now people say, well, okay, you're
accusing China of doing economic extortion, bullying Australia by stopping imports from Australia.
Where does that aren't you bullying everybody around the world with your own tariffs and
protection and you're accusing China of undermining the rules based international order,
but there are you trashing the UN turning off the aid system, lining up the autocrats.
It's difficult or more difficult than it was for the U.S. to create the alliances that it needs,
or at least to create the Moran values. You know the day Rory, I did a bit of pitilatory.
Well, I don't know with his counsel, Patel Jail, with Robert Peston from the rest of his money,
and Anita and Anne from Empire. And we were doing event at Lloyds of London for
Star, one of the big American financial institution. And I did my question, which, as you know,
I love to ask people, which is the greatest threat to global stability, USA or China.
And there were a lot of Americans, there was a huge audience, and there were a lot of Americans
among the Brits and other Europeans who were there. And I think some of them were genuinely shocked
just how one side of the answer was to say that actually the USA is currently the greatest threat.
And I think China is playing into that all the time. I think they're doing it in terms of their
hard power and their soft power. Holly's question about, you know, who got the most out of this,
even on the optics, which Trump is normally very, very good at, I think Xi Jinping will have gone
home very, very happy. What did you make of panda diplomacy, by the way Rory?
The other one was, one of my favorite, I can't remember who cracked the line. It might have been
Alexander, but somebody cracked the great line. There are more pandas in Scotland than the
Rattoria bees, where there were two pandas that would be given to Scotland. And then in 2015,
there were twice as many pandas as there were labor and peace as well. Yeah. Yeah. The
joke which, which labor party, I remember being there when he cracked the joke, I think it's sort
of 2010, Jake. It's after the catastrophe of the 2010 election. And it's, I think it's an
Alex Salman joke. So panda diplomacy and pandas feature all the time, don't they? Because part of the
whole Nixon goes to China thing, this amazing shift towards embracing communist China in the 1970s,
for all the complicated reasons that Kessinger and Nixon wanted to do it was a lot about these
strange cultural exchanges. We've talked to them past about ping pong diplomacy, but all
seen, Kessinger's desire to really get lots of business exchange, student exchange, cultural
exchange. And the pandas that, you know, one of the most dramatic things, I mean, the Chinese
withdraw pandas from people if they've been criticized. They did. We know Obama met
Dan Ilamah. They said, oops, that's don't like that. We're bringing the pandas back.
I mean, no pandas, pandas are absolutely gorgeous. And actually, one of the, I'm up in Liverpool,
as you know, and one of the meetings I had this week was with the World of Wildlife Fund,
and they've got that wonderful panda as there, as there. And it's a wonderful, wonderful creature.
So the survey that, you know, 28% of Americans said they would have a more favorable view of China
if they sent a panda to their zoo. I think partly because there's such a social media
phenomenon, I mean, that we all feel like pandas, because pandas spend their whole time sort of
falling off things and any of their heads and buckets of water and generally. Yeah. The two that
would be giving a call ping ping and the food shwang. Very good. So they're going to become major
global celebrities. Final thing on American views of China, startling shift in American public
opinion towards China. And I wonder whether it's going to shift back again. But if you took a
snapshot in 2023 from Pew Research, favorability of China went from 50% in 2006 to 12% in 2023.
And from 30% for Americans, thinking China was the enemy in 2006 to 80% thinking China was the
enemy in 2023. So interesting, maybe that'll tie into your panda point. And interesting also,
whether Trump, who is the great political entrepreneur in many ways, senses the shift in public opinion,
where people are less interested in the idea of China as the enemy and are more interested in
internal than external enemies. Yeah. You've talked a lot about the sort of the economic consequences
of China. And you know, we've talked a lot recently about Germany. And one of the big things,
I think driving the difficulties for the German government is the extent to which China in terms
of its exports into our market and markets around the world has moved up from all the kind of
made in China, cheap t-shirts, hats and all that stuff into high end quality, high value production,
not least in the in the automobile industry. And that again, didn't really, we didn't really get
a sense from Trump of sort of trying to push back on what is a very aggressive, very assertive
export policy. Yes, although of course America has much higher tariffs than places like Britain has.
And I think the big challenge for Europe, I mean, let's imagine your Germany, on the one hand,
you're getting killed by Chinese imports. And that's the stuff we've talked about in the past,
which is China's not playing fair in terms of its currency, it's not playing fair in terms of
industrial subsidies. And that's now beginning to wipe out German industry. But
until quite recently, German industry felt it was a real beneficiary of low tariffs for China,
because it was selling an enormous amount of BMWs and Mercedes to China at a premium rate,
50% of the profits of luxury goods and automobile manufacturers in China. And Britain is now
sort of caught in the middle of this. We've talked about Andy Vernon in the in the main episode,
but one of the things of course that he's struggling with is how we define a new relationship with
Europe. And this is partly about customs union. And in Britain at the moment, I think something like
16% of all new cars bought this year, which Chinese cars, Chinese electric vehicles are subsidized
or technologically advanced, whatever they are, much cheaper, better than our getting stated,
they can recharge a battery in four and a half minutes in the latest models in China.
And one of the things that Europe will be asking is for Britain to put much higher tariffs
up against, which of course will hit customers and make it more difficult to do the energy transition
to electric vehicles. So China is in the center of every single conversation and we need to keep
coming back to China. Listen, this whole story about the new existential threats we're facing in
particularly global choke points. If anybody's not listened to my members' series, which has done some
great stuff with Yuval Noharrari on AI, Carlo Revelli on nuclear war, we're now this week talking to
Edward Fishman about this new global choke points, which is a huge story that's becoming more and
more relevant with what we're just seeing, not just in Hormuz, but in the Red Sea. Yeah, finally,
I did a couple of events here where the Hamish foreigner who's the minister in charge of
trying to get a better deal with the European Union post-Brexit. And we should probably come back
to this and do it in detail at some point. This made in Europe stuff that is causing real
difficulties now, I think, between the UK and the European Union, because there's the European
Union, which he's itself as Europe, and then there are countries like us, like the UK and others
who are really in danger of getting, you know, really whacked by this thing. So we should come back
to Dan do it probably another day. Great. Well, and I say, here's a question very much for you
from Louis. Can you explain the context of what's going on in Northern Ireland right now? Why
was the peace process so tested and strained this weekend? Oh, I mean, this brought back some
absolutely terrible memories. Drum Cree and the marching in Drum Cree, which I mean, to get this
sort of full story of this, you've got to go back to the Battle of the Boyne. So long time ago,
we don't want to go right back to the Battle of the Boyne. We're talking about 1690. And then the
orange order was founded in 1795 and not far from Drum Cree. And this is very much regarded as the
birthplace of the whole orangeism, if you like. And as you know, they've got this history and
tradition of marching. And this is one of the most famous and most controversial marches because
we're talking about this town. And Alice, so just quickly to state the obvious again for international
listeners, these are unionist pro-British Protestants predominantly. Yeah. So the Battle of the Boyne
essentially was what led to the continuation of the Protestants being ascendant in Ireland.
And this, this focus is on a town called Portedown, which is mainly Protestant, but it has this
significant Catholic minority. And the issue is about the march that they do, this Drum Cree march,
going through this very, very Catholic area. And I think in our very first week in 1997,
there'd been this murder of a guy called a local Catholic, a guy called Robert Hamel. He'd been kicked
to death by a gang of loyalists on the Main Street. And in the march, which followed, there was a lot
of sort of mimicking stamping on the ground as though there was sort of reminding the Catholics that
they'd done this. Mo Mo on the Secretary of State, she let the march proceed and it led to astonishing
horrible violence. And this went on year after year. Drum Cree became every year. We had to deal with
this Drum Cree march. And honestly, you think the prime minister's got a lot to do to deal with.
It was, there were some years when we would be like, this would be a top of our agenda for day after
day after day. And then we passed legislation to the Public Possessions Act, which led to the
Parades Commission. Since when there have been, there's a lot of violence, I was looking at the numbers
in 1998, for example, just as a result of this attempt to have the march going through this one road,
650 in attacks on the Security Forces, 76 police injured, 632 petrol bombs, 45 homemade bombs,
24 shooting incidents, almost 500 vehicles attacked, 284 arrests. And then we had the three
horrible murder of three young Catholic boys, aged 89 and 10. So eventually this was banned. And
what's happened this year is that it was banned again for July. But then there was an appeal and
the High Court allowed it to go ahead under certain conditions. Okay. Since when massive protests
by the residents of the Galvaki Road, the Orange Lodge have been doing the march, but then
going into a police wall. And there's currently a bit of a standoff and Chris Bryant, the Northern
United Secretary is trying to get the two sides together. But the reason it brought back such memories
is because this is just one of those things that you hoped with the peace process might just have
taken a bit of a back seat. But these old traditions, they keep coming out. One of the things that's
very difficult for an outsider to make sense of is this question of how fragile the peace is or
isn't. I mean, you can go to a dairy London dairy and people will say, listen, this is still on
the edge of a tender box. But in other ways, things seem to have changed so much in the last 25
years. I mean, it's very difficult, but just sort of gut instinct. What's your sense of the next 5,
10 years in all that? And are you terrified that it's about to collapse again? Or do you see this
as a bit of an anomaly and that broadly speaking, we're getting more peaceful all the time?
I think broadly speaking, yes, but I think that we've seen too many of these incidents where you
can see the extent to which it wouldn't take much for violence to erupt. Now, whether we'd ever
get back to the scale of violence and the scale of organized violence, I'm not so sure. I'll be
reasonably optimistic about that. But I think what it shows, you and I've talked before about whether
we shouldn't have tried to have in the Northern Ireland process, something similar to the
Hadness, South Africa, truth and reconciliation. Because what you're seeing with these, you're seeing
a new generation. When you see, okay, when you see the orange-jordid guys marching, they tend to be
a bit older. But then when you see the resident association and the Gavahiro protest, you've got a
lot younger people. And then when you've seen, we saw some violence recently, there was much more
done by the Protestant side of things, and that was a younger generation. So you've got a younger
generation that has grown up not knowing the violence as a fact of life. But you can see that
they could have cultural pressures and the historical pressures are still there. So I think Chris
Bryant's Northern Ireland secretary has got a tough job in his hands right now. And don't forget,
we have this coalition, which is what we put in place with the Good Friday agreement. The whole
purpose was to have the two sides governing together. And I'd say this is tense. But the marching
season is always tense. The marching season is always tense. But this felt like a bit of a throwback.
And I think we've got to keep very, very focused on this and make sure that it doesn't
spiral into something much, much worse. Well, I think time for a quick break. When we come back
from the break, we're going to talk about a situation where genuinely a peace agreement has
collapsed and the civil war has broken out again. And that's Ethiopia. We're also going to touch
on Jürgen Klopp, the Bayer tapestry in the Brazil elections. Very good to see.
This episode is brought to you by Lloyd's. One thing that politics teaches you is that certainty
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Hi everybody, it's Dominic Sambrook here from the Rest is history and we are here to tell you about
a thrilling new series on the blood soaked climax of the French Revolution, the reign of terror.
So the French Revolution is one of the most significant episodes in the whole of world history. It
essentially lays the foundations for contemporary politics as we know it, but it is also unbelievably
dramatic. We'll be discussing the murder of the firebrand Jean-Paul Marra in his bathtub. We will
be going to the guillotine with the Marriantouinette and in our final episode. We will be telling the
story of the extraordinary grotesque downfall of one of the chief architects of the terror, one of the
most evil men in history, some would say, Maximilian Crosbarsbier. So if you want to hear this
epic series, search for the rested history wherever you get your podcasts.
Welcome back to the rest of the politics question time with me, Alistair Campbell.
And with me, Maurice Hewitt. Okay, Rory, nickel in Glasgow. How worried are you by the reignition
of tensions and the possibility of full-scale war and Ethiopian and Eritrea, which regional
actors could this drag in around the horn of Africa and the Gulf and will the international
community continue to stand idly by if another humanitarian crisis emerges? Let's start with the
sort of basic facts. So there was an incredible shift, Ethiopia, which was in many ways the kind of
darling of the West, the great developmental state because it was gone from extreme poverty and
had a relatively stable government. You know, this would have been true. When Tony Blair was in,
this would have been true almost right the way through to me as an African minister in 26,
2017, growing at 8% year, then collapsed into a very, very nasty civil war. Really attentive
listeners will remember that Alice and I covered the Ethiopian civil war, which was really a fight
between people from Tigray in the Highland North, a traditional governing group of Ethiopia for many
of the last decades and the new government of Abiyah, the federal government, which was resolved
by something called the Pretoria Accords, which brought peace at the end of 2022. Since then,
the Tigray group split, hardliners took over and a new coalition has emerged, an unusual coalition
where some of Abiyah meds key allies, both ethnic groups inside Ethiopia and the Eritreans that
he were relying on last time now seem to have swapped sides in an unstable coalition with Tigray
now the fighting is breaking out again and lots of things follow on from that including,
are they going to be able to cut off the access to Djibouti, which is Ethiopia's only access to the sea,
hundreds of thousands of people died and the last conflict is that going to begin again?
And what does this mean for the broader region? Now remember, it's coming unstuck at almost
the same time as the Pistil in Yemen, which had kept pretty static front lines since 2022, also
came unstuck just a few weeks ago with the Hussi storming down the side of the Red Sea.
And that raises a whole series of questions, one of them for Ethiopia itself, which
you know is a country which you I think are recently in the new status, there's one of your
favorite countries in the world and posted some lovely pictures of yourself in Ethiopia,
but it's an enormous place, 160 million odd people. It's the great land-based market for all of
the Horn of Africa ports. But this is also a story as Nicola implies, which stretches much,
much further because what's happened is now the Hussi have come all the way down the side of the
Red Sea and you now need to look at both sides of the Red Sea in order to see this whole new
unfolding problem, a real geographical problem, because you've got the states down the Arabian
side of the Red Sea, Saudi Arabia down into Yemen with the Hussi now controlling one side and then
down the other side. You've got this chain of states which runs down from Egypt through Sudan,
I hope I'm not going to miss anything here, Eritrea Djibouti, what's now been recognized by
Israel as Somali land and then the Somali province of Puntland. And what's really interesting there
is that you've had the United Arab Emirates trying to position itself all the way along that coast
port deals, most of which have begun going horribly wrong. So if we go stage by stage, they backed
the RSF in Sudan and so the Sudanese military has taken control of the port that UAE had there,
Djibouti kicked them out, Eritrea has now turned against the Emirates apparently in favor of Egypt,
the Somali government under pressure from Saudi Arabia has now said they don't want any UAE
ports and so they're clinging on to this funny enclave which is the sort of UAE Israel enclave
around independent Somali land and they're facing against them a coalition which feels like a sort
of Saudi Egyptian potentially Turkish Sudanese coalition with Ethiopia, with UAE and everyone
else with the other lot. Now that's a complicated story but where am I getting to here,
where I'm getting to here is this is the collapse of the global order in miniature and it's the
beginning. It's just the beginning, you know we've seen the Yemen peace deal collapse in a couple
of weeks ago, we've seen the Ethiopian peace deal collapsing. Now I wouldn't be a tall surprise
that the South Sudan relative peace that we've had since 2016 is also a bad collapse that's just
on the on the other border and where is America in all this? Whereas Europe in all this because
what you've got is American allies fighting each other and America completely unable to define
what its national interests are which should be pretty clear, should be an open red sea and support
nation states instead of which they are allowing Israel and UAE to essentially encourage failed states,
breakaway states, strange groups in order to create this network of alliances and ports.
Nichols question about where is the international community in all this is the right one and you
could say well there are so many conflicts going on and nobody can be expected to be across the
more and that historically has been the role of the United Nations. This is you know we talked
about this last week the the chief purpose of the United Nations has been peace and security okay
and what you've just described there is an area where there's been a history of conflict but then
there has been periods of relative peace and security and one of the reasons for that is that at
the right time the international community has found ways of becoming properly engaged and we're now
in this world of Trump under China and of Putin and we're just we don't have I'd like to think that
both Andy Burnham and Emmanuel Macron the other two leaders of the the permanent five of the
United Nations do care about this do understand why it matters to all of us but they alone are not
going to be able to drive an international response to it and is you know I don't know if I said
it was one of my favorite countries in the world I said it was one of the I think it's one of the
I saw the most beautiful I think it's a beautiful country my my my first experience of it was
back covering the famine in the 80s in Ethiopia and then Eritrea and Tigray. There's a famous
photograph of you with the leader of Eritrea that we we always have to keep bringing up. No one
it's a lot of famous photograph it's a photograph that you like because it shows me as a young man
looking rather forningly at this handsome freedom fighter. Freedom fighter as we call it as we
call it at the time who we thought was going to deliver a peaceful democratic and he's now become
one of the world's longest serving dictators you can't get every judgment right wrong okay
so but anyway I did find that conflict and that war astonishingly interesting and Eritrea is
is a beautiful is a beautiful part of the world and you see horrific you know you see a lot of
poverty is weird that time saw a lot of violence a lot of death and you had the EPLF Eritrea
and people's liberation front and you had the TPLF the Tigray people's liberation front and of
course you talked about Abbey Ahmed's Nobel Prize that was because of reconciling coming to
peace with Eritrea but of course it didn't take long before he was then fighting up with Tigray
and and and of course you told Ethiopia is a huge country but at the same time it has real
difficulties in terms of access to the sea and that has been a cause of a lot of the sort of
difficulty that they've they've had but I look I just I just wish we could get back to a place where
an issue like this both in terms of political interest around the world and media interest as well
because without those two things these things just fall off the agenda and chaos becomes normalised
and that's what I worry is going to happen here well the change is unbelievable isn't it because from
the civil war that you were reporting in the 80s and the rise of the sort of Eritrea and
Chaguavira as he appeared through to the 90s and 2000s the 90s and 2000s we sort of thought the
world sort of thought it had a model didn't it for dealing with this it would have talked about
the African Union coming in the UN I-GAD which was a coordination structure we would have been
talking about the developmental state we would have been talking about justice we would have been
thinking about governance reforms and it looked pretty good for a bit right looked to say this
story was sort of working in the 90s and 2000s yes we were worrying about Somali pirates yes we were
worrying about terrorism but we were not at that stage imagining because they didn't really count
nobody was talking about the Gulf states I mean what's really changed I remember this and Somalia
turning up as the African Minister in 2016 I sort of feel I was at the beginning of seeing what
it happened I turned up in Somalia where Britain was still talking as though it was the major
player or one of the major players in Somalia because I guess we probably had been very influential
probably just a couple years earlier by the time I turned up the Turks were everywhere the Emirates
were everywhere and you could already sense things shifting very very very very quickly and Britain
less and less the US still matter but Britain matter said now what does that mean that we go now well
I think just the brutal numbers are shocking the Uppsala Institute that manages this now says that
we have over 60 live conflicts in the world which is the most that they've measured in any time since
1945 so before anyone gets the impression that we're just suffering from some global derangement
syndrome and that actually everything's going in the right direction the statistics suggest this is
not an anomaly at all this is what happens when the global order begins to fray why did you say
you said to me very interesting when you're going through the video why did you say that you thought
that South Sudan could be the next what's what's going on there that I haven't been across well so
South Sudan has these very very deep residual conflicts going on between the newer and the dinker
particularly two of the big ethnic groups that that play into this and particularly between two of
the leading figures particularly guy called reek masher and that seemed a little bit like Yemen
and I guess a little bit like Somalia and probably at times a little bit like Ethiopia a conflict
that was almost indefinitely going to continue because it felt like no no and felt like there were
all these deep historical roots and so many people have been killed and it was so savage and then
oddly a semi stalemate emerged which meant that for some years have the last years it's been
much much less bad than the world that we saw in the late teens and it now feels to me that
these things spill very very quickly across borders you know all these players that I'm talking
about Israel, UAE, Saudi, Egypt, Turkey some cases with Iranian drones or Chinese drones are now
major players in disrupting Libya their major players and a lot of these things that we've been
talking these kuditas across the Sahel so Chad is very much connected with UAE and if people look
at South Sudan on the map the likelihood of things spilling over again from Sudan or Ethiopia into
South Sudan seems to me really strong and that's before you get on to insurgency in the DRC and I
don't want to be too grumpy about this and I'm also worried that in trying to predict where the next
sort of a semi-pieced deal settlement collapse I'm missing other things I mean I still remain
very concerned about the fact that if I were Iran I would be trying to sink a ship in Suez
now that you've closed hallmills in the Red Sea closing the next checkpoint and this is also
funny to it's partly a technology point it's partly a point about the fact that the US has lost
partly because of drones it's real ability to prevent relatively weak states or even
insurgency groups doing extraordinary things to each other to shipping and drones keep popping
up into all these stories Yemen the the the Tigray front was basically blocked from its advance
on our list by drones paid for by UAE and bought from Turkey Iran and China I think that's the
kind of stuff that will drive in South Sudan but I also think we may be looking too much at
Africa and we may see see stuff happening in Asia and Latin America as well. South Sudan's
land lot doesn't it like Ethiopia both land lot yes absolutely and a quick question for you because
you've been following this closely Josh what do you make of the upcoming elections in Brazil
that seem neck and neck between Lula and Flavio who I think is the son of the of Bolsonaro the
old populist right wing leader what I make of them is that they are neck and neck it's a very very
foolish man who's going to bet his house on on the outcome I think until recently I think there
was a sense that the Bolsonaro mythology with the dad in jail and lots of difficulties between
the son and his stepmom who's also campaigning to be elected representative as well.
I'd love to know how much the Americans are getting involved in you know because we've seen
the extent to which the Americans like to get involved in these Latin American elections
and the reason why they're well this matters because Brazil is a huge country Lula and
Claudia Shambheim in Mexico are really the only two left from the left who are facing up to this
sort of right wing wave and because Bolsonaro senior he's serving a lot very long prison sentence
for doing something that the whole Trump got away with which is basically trying to resist the
outcome the democratic outcome of an election that was held his son Flavio is the candidate Flavio
but it's clear there was a very very good piece in the F.D. magazine at the weekend it's clear that
the dad is still very very powerful in the whole the whole setup Flavio is even on record as saying
you know he's not these words but he's unbasically not fit to tie his shoelaces he's the man kind of
thing and of course Lula is I don't know he's exact age but he's pretty much in the Trump
generation he's in he's certainly 80 pluses it were you know you've also got the elections to the
Chamber of Deputies there's a huge election across the weekend I think rather than speculate now
probably best if we come back to it next week we actually know what the outcome will be and it's
probably going to be some sort of runoff but I wouldn't put my money on Lula holding on and I think
it'd be pretty grim for democracy if A. Bolson arrow came back. Worry we'll keep an eye on that
and as you say it's it's interesting how successful from Trump's point of view he must feel that
he's being all the way from Venezuela across to Argentina and all these all these elections he
seems to be getting a sort of full slate from of his sort of El Salvador vision of Latin America
although of course some of my more right wing Latin American friends would disagree with me and say
that we've been too sympathetic towards hoopless left wing populist leaders across Latin America as
a bigger bigger conversation. Worry here's one for you because I know I know the answer to this
from your perspective Linda will you be going to see the buyer tapestry I've been invited to a
couple of things that I've not been able to do but I know you have been so was it worth the visit?
Went with Shishana and Chilson absolutely worth the visit I love the British Museum so I'm not
going to hit them too hard on the organisation but just spoiler alert if like us you go at three
in the afternoon you're waiting a very very long time because they still haven't sorted out how
you move down that tapestry search you don't end up waiting a long time even when you book your time
slot on your tickets. That's a side I mean the tapestry is incredible it's I mean it's the first
thing which you'd love I think Alistair is it's an amazing exercise in storytelling because somebody
sitting down not long after the Battle of Hastings was having to work out how do you tell the story
and pictures it's basically a graphic novel or a cartoon strip of what happened and they're
having to choose very dramatically you know okay let's start with Edward confessor sending off
Harold off to Northern France and then he's getting captured and then he's fighting with William
and then an oath is given and then Edward's handing over the throne and he's crowned and now
the boats are coming across and now the horses are gathering in the arch and that's the first
thing the second thing is it's actually an amazingly innovative piece of art I mean I can't think of
any other medieval art before that which actually tells the story in that way it's more like
um Trajan's Colin or maybe the if you go to British music more like the Elgin Marbles or
something and the way that it gets the frees going all the way along rather than the sort of
blockie stories that you'd expect in a medieval manuscript so really exciting and I I think such a
great decision to bring it over because so few people were seeing it in Beyer and it means so much to
us and and I think means maybe even more to us in an age where we love graphic novels and cartoons
to see and also Alisa I promise you you will be able to read all the Latin all the way across
even just on the base of your French it's it's it's a wonderfully simple medieval Latin yeah
so do you think we should keep it like we kept the Elgin Marbles should we do that
yeah
finders keepers lose as we first what are you going to do what are you going to do I think
are you going to get it hey yeah honestly what are they going to do
well guess how long did it take to get around I mean you said until we complain to
isn't George Osborne the head of the British Museum which it was she complained to him about
the organisation he is and Tom Holland our great co-presenting rest histories of trustee and
doubtless they will accuse me for being bitter that I'm not the chair or the
trustees but I do think here's an idea for the British Museum of Feelers thing if you're not
prepared to put a moving staircase which is what which is what they have at the Tower of London to
keep people moving through the Crown Jewels a simple thing you could do is you could just have a
rope with knots in it and everyone has to cling onto their bit of the rope and then everyone would
move and come in in time because actually the problem is the gaps that emerged between people
I mean can you can you can you take pictures no they won't let you take pictures anymore because
that's one of the things they're blaming on on the cues so they've stopped pictures and videos but
the solution but you could take pictures before there's not a sort of reason why you can't
photograph no no you could before it's just that as they becoming more and more panicked by people
like me grumbling about the fact that they're waiting an hour and a quarter beyond their time
and missing their kids birthday party which is what happened with me and I there they're trying
to work out what it is I have a solution an old fashioned rope would not connect cling onto the
rope and then everybody would move together shoulder to shoulder at the same speed okay right
okay so this is very much an ask the question you're gonna clop recently spoke about reclaiming
the flag for ordinary Germans through what he calls positive patriotism arguing that national
pride should not be left to political extremes do you think public figures particularly in sport
can successfully separate patriotism from nationalism or is reclaiming national symbols from
political movements much harder in practice that's an ideal ask the question isn't it that's
positive sense national pride and football altogether gum over to you well it's it's got football
it's got one of the most charismatic public figures on the planet who's happens to be German but who's
well known in England because he's manager of Liverpool where I am now and it's also got a really
good opportunity to you know to lay into the populist far right um so you're gonna clop this is
really interesting is he's he's he's he's become the manager of Germany Germany which has been
struggling football wise um and he turned up for his inaugural press conference as a manager because
he always wears a baseball cap into a new baseball cap and it basically was a sort of modern version
of the flag and the slogan was um one of 80 million something like that and he sort of said I'm not
gonna get political I'm not gonna be political but he basically without mentioning the alternative
for Deutschland he kind of said he was sick and tired of the flag being you know taken by the
extremes and he said the one thing that football can do is actually that you know we could all
unite brand the flag as the symbol of our country I also saw a really interesting interview with him
this week I had no idea about this he was asked why he always seemed to be so positive and he said
because he had I in a fantasticia familiar can get that one right I'm like that yeah that's
a bit like the Latin on the Bayer tapestry we can get okay you got you got I in a fantasticia
familiar yeah and oh I've been I'm glowy yeah crystals is he Christian I'm a believer in Christ yeah
which I have no idea so he said they were the two in things that that drove him anyway that's
nothing to do with patriotism uh but I thought I was very interesting anyway answer to your question
Matt yes is the answer because this is something that the extremes often do mainly the extremes
of the right rather than the left but they they seize they try to pretend that they alone
represent the patriotic voice and I would argue at the moment that there's a case to be made
for attacking the far right not least in our country where we now have that you know reform
who call the RNLI note the word royal national lifeboat institution a migrant taxi service who
regularly attack the police um who at the uh who'd the the on the back of the recent
arrests at Fairford as ever just used it to try to sort of you know make this somehow about
about immigration so I just think that there is a there is there is a positive patriotism which is
you love your country but you want your country to be better and there is a negative
patriotism to me which is a divisive patriotism this is that only if you follow my sort of politics
forage, ruptalow etc then only then can you truly be a patriot so I thought what clock did in
Germany was good and of course Germany's got the same sort of political problems we have at the
moment well it's lovely but he's basically just copied garasasca yeah good good point good point
garasasca did do something very similar um another opportunity to plug James Graham's latest play
we we loved garasasca can you get clop on the show please we'll definitely give it a go it
isn't do many sort of I'd not have I seen many podcasts he's done I'd love to know where he said
the thing about Christ um yeah we can try to get you again clop he's a very very very he's a very
very fine man I've also got a very funny story about clop I um I share his vet
well I want to say I share his vet I have one you're sure his manager King Charles Spaniel goes to
the same vet that you're in clops dog went well did once did once because of the ludicrous
as a Brexit our poor dog although she doesn't know it she has now we we've we've got so many
passport stamps for our dog every time you take your doctor Europe you have to go and see a vet
before you bring it back okay and so Fiona and I were in salt in northern Germany and we took it
to the vet and on the on the front was a on the reception desk was a book and the book was a
written by the vet and the vet what the vet's claims to say was that you're going to clop
took his dog there when it swallowed a jellyfish oh that's a really good story I like very much
so they are so jellyfish yeah anyway the dog was saved and it's all fine and
yoghons happy I hope the dog still happy and we yeah so there we are share yoghons vet
was lovely lovely thing to lovely thing to end on well I was just thank you very much and
took forward to talking again next week see you soon bye hi it's Rory here I've been thinking a lot
about the big existential questions that we often don't want to address the things that don't feel
immediate but which could actually change our entire world and I was joined today by Yuvaal
Noah Rory to discuss what he calls AI imperialism kill switches how alien intelligence could
seem create a world that we cannot and can never begin to understand have a listen I think we
are entering a new age of imperialism which is radically different from every previous age of
imperialism in history because in every previous age there was a certain inevitable limit
to how much power you can concentrate in one place if you look at the Roman Empire so the Roman
Empire economically even if it conquers the homolyterranean it cannot move like the the main source
of economic wealth is ultimately agriculture and wheat fields it cannot physically move the wheat
fields from Egypt to Italy and so a lot of power remains in the provinces if you look at the
British Empire it cannot move the oil fields from Iraq to Yorkshire it's impossible so a lot of
the power remains in the provinces with AI you can move all the assets which are ultimately just
code to the imperial hub with really nothing remaining in the provinces similarly if you think
about it in military terms the Roman Empire if if you're a Roman merchant and you sell the
latest model of bows to some picks are beyond Adrian Wall they can then use it against you there
is no button in Rome that you press the button and all these bows stop working in the 19th century
if some British merchant sell a sold rifles to Afghan tribesmen they can then use it to do
things the British don't like like kill British soldiers Victoria doesn't have a magic button
that it presses the button all these rifle stop working with AI this is the case that if you buy
your AI drone swarm from the Americans there is a button in Washington that when they press it stops
working and that and this means when you have this kind of kill switch of course in the extreme case
they press it but long before they press it they use the existence of the kill switch to
extort and exert their power your knowledge that they have the kill switch already means that you
have to cooperate let's just dig into the economics so um so imagine I'm running a I don't know
medical insurance company in Yorkshire employing lots of people in small towns and they're working
I don't know 4,000 of them are call center people 1,000 of them are software engineers and an
American company anthropic or open AI develops a new program which replaces all my call center
people because suddenly the AI can take the calls and speak very beautifully and replaces all
my software coders because now actually the Claude code can do all the work that these people
can do in an instant right now the medical insurance business in this place is being served
from the United States with their products right and now all these people have lost their jobs
5,000 call center workers thousand uh uh uh software engineers now the government is no longer
receiving the British government is no longer receiving income tax from these individuals because
they don't have an income in fact the British government now needs to pay unemployment well
fair benefit to these people but it's not even able to tax the corporation the corporation has
now in the United States yes so the revenue base of the British government collapses the economic
growth is removed the productivity benefit goes off the United States and there is a huge sucking sound
like a vacuum cleaner sucking the wealth of Britain over to the United States yes exactly so I just
wanted to you know see if we can develop this a little bit as as one of the uh risks before we
get on to you know killer drones of what it could actually mean for economies like the British
European economy if we end up in a world in which the very latest frontier models are located
uniquely in the United States and China and they choose to use those to run the companies themselves
rather than allow us to build off the back of it what is I mean what you get again it's an extreme
imperial economy where the only thing that remains in the provinces are certain raw materials
that are still needed and cannot be moved physically so it's oil it's rare earth minerals in
things like that yeah everything which is based on humans like human intelligence this can be
done from the hub with AI's and under something else which is also true of the imperial economy which
I didn't understand to live as the African minister one is tempted to say and we also have a market
but as we get poorer our market matters less and less I remember talking to a businessman about
trying to encourage him to invest in Africa and he said I'm not investing in sub-Saharan Africa
because the entire middle class is sub-Saharan Africa is small in the population of Belgium
and he defined middle classes having an income of more than $800 a month so one of the interesting
things is that if your economy collapses you don't actually have the leverage of saying you need our
market yeah absolutely and we don't have any precedent for for such an economic scenario from
history which is why it's so difficult and going back to the issue of thinking the unthinkable
to really come to terms with it but I think this should be the the number one or number two
worry of all the countries in the world except for the two leading ones the USA and China which
will benefit from these new kind of economics okay here's here was a here was a story given to
me by somebody in Afghanistan so some in Afghanistan said we don't really need to worry
we're barely connected to the internet we don't really have very much electricity between
her at and Kabul we are living a subsistence life as person farmers the United States
already tried for 20 years to spend two trillion dollars with all the latest technology in the world
to try to conquer us and they gave up and left will be fine our life won't change very much
it is true that villagers in Afghanistan in this sense are in in a much better situation
than lawyers in London whose life could be the life is that they know could be completely destroyed
and the villager in Afghanistan his life not necessarily completely destroyed no nothing the
short term in the long run the the danger of the planet dominated by AI is not that the AI will
try to unsuccessfully build democracy in Afghanistan wasting two trillion dollars and and you know
creating so much havoc the AI's will just not care about the humans and they can go on living
whatever they they are doing until the moment the AI needs something from that particular place
and then they just don't care what is the impact on the humans living there the thing is we cannot
really imagine the scenarios if we can imagine them they are not realistic as a less intelligent
entity we cannot imagine the concerns the ambitions the plans of the more intelligent entities
like if you live in a in I don't know in some some jungle you're a monkey yeah and some oil
company is coming to and destroys your your your forest to drill for oil and you cannot imagine
what is driving this process like you say other coming to get my bananas and no no they are not
coming to get your bananas it's just that the price of oil is now a hundred and fifty because of
a war in the Middle East and therefore it it makes sense for them to destroy your forest and
and you cannot understand it well because I mean it is particularly strange in that example
because the monkey has to understand that what they're really interested in is trees an organic
matter that rotted a hundred million years ago rather than the trees that are actually standing
here because somehow they're able to set the stuff on fire and generate energy from it to do
something which they use in order to watch funny cat videos on their smartphones yeah exactly yeah
that was from part two of my conversation with Yuval Naurari sign up at the rest of politics
dot com to hear the whole interview as well as so much more member content that's the rest
is politics dot com
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